The state plans and republic programs:a contribution to the examination of the political economy of Yugoslav socialism during the decentralization period (1965-1983)

Abstract

This paper aims to illustrate the constant quest of the leadership of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) for an effective economic policy after 1965 and to provide an answer, among other things, to the question of how much the projected economic decentralization due to reform measures contributed to overall socio-political dispersion. Faced with serious financial and economic challenges, the state leadership sought to find a model that would keep them on ideologically defined tracks while also allowing for breadth and integration into global economic currents. In these efforts, the general geopolitical position of Yugoslavia as a country that remained “somewhere in between” by the agreement of major powers after Second World War was reflected, thus best illustrating the historical destiny of the entire Balkan Peninsula, especially the area predominantly inhabited by South Slavs. To explain the topic as a materialized concept and to question it in this way, works of authors who dealt with the political economy of Yugoslavia as both creators and critics were used. Using the example of the implementation of autonomous economic policy by the Bosnian-Herzegovinian political elite during this period, the aim is to open up space for critical thinking about the actual possibilities and roles of the republics, and to try to discern whether they could truly be fully independent in their economic programs. Although Bosnia and Herzegovina experienced economic momentum alongside overall social transformation during this period, the actions of its political leadership did not always encompass all economic flows of the republic through their actions and planning. This is most vividly evidenced by well-known examples of economic manipulation behind which central authorities (so-called “guardians and executors of the revolution”) stood, and which were subsequently abused before and during the disappearance of the common state. In this regard, an overview of the development of the idea of selfmanagement by Yugoslav ideologues is provided, the phases of ideological development are presented, as well as the difficulties faced by the concept itself, and the independent political course of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian political leadership, or the overall socio-political context in which “independence” began to be practiced. Specifically concerning the position of the BosnianHerzegovinian political elite towards reforms, a quite interesting detail was noticed. Namely, although a high level of decentralization was achieved through constitutional amendments (1968-1971) and clearly defined separate republican markets, decisions were made differently at the level of the Federation, i.e., in its remaining functions. By outvoting. Taking this into account, a conclusion naturally emerged and set the development of the selfmanagement economic system between the utopian aspirations of ideologues and the realpolitik actions of party and military hawks, which then created significant cracks within the system and favored the emergence of gray areas whose existence partly generated the great economic crisis during the 1980s.

U ovom radu se nastoji prikazati konstantu potragu vrhuške Socijalistiþke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ) za efikasnom ekonomskom politikom nakon 1965. godine i dati odgovor, izmeÿu ostalog, i na pitanje koliko je projektovana ekonomska decentralizacija uslijed reformskih zahvata vodila ukupnoj društveno-politiþNRM GLVSHU]LML 'UåDYQL YUK VXRþen sa ozbiljnim financijskim i ekonomskim izazovima pokušavao je pronaüi model koji bi ih ostavio na ideološki zadatim traþnicama, a opet istom tom modelu dati širinu i ukljuþivanje u svjetske ekonomske tokove. U ovim naporima, dakako, zrcalila se i opüa geopolitiþka pozicija Jugoslavije kao zemlje koja je dogovorom velikih sila nakon Drugog svjetskog rata ostala “negdje izmeÿu” na taj naþin najbolje ocrtavajuüi i historijsku sudbinu þitavog Balkanskog SROXRWRND D SRVHEQR SURVWRUD GRPLQDQWQR QDVHOMHQRJ -XåQLP 6ODYHQLPD 'D bi se tema objasnila kao materijalizirani koncept i kao takvog ga se propitalo korištena su djela autora koji su se bavili politiþkom ekonomijom Jugoslavije kako kreatori ali i kao kritiþari.Na primjeru provoÿenja autonomne ekonomske politike od strane bosanskohercegovaþke politiþke elite tokom ovog perioda cilj je otvoriti prostor za kritiþko razmišljanje o stvarnim moguünostima i ulogama republika, odnosno pokušati dokuþiti da li su u ekonomskim programima iste doista mogle biti u potpunosti nezavisne. Iako je Bosna i Hercegovina u ovome periodu GRåLYOMDYDOD SRUHG XNXSQRJ GUXãWYHQRJ SUHREUDåDMD L HNRQRPVNL ]DOHW QMHQ politiþki vrh nije uvijek i u svim sluþajevima svojim djelovanjem i planiranjem obuhvatao ukupne privredne republiþke tokove. Tome najzornije svjedoþe poznati primjeri privredne manipulacije iza koje su stajali i presudnu ulogu LPDOLFHQWUDOQLDXWRULWHWL PRåHVHUHüi “þuvari i izvoÿaþi revolucije”), a koji su potom zloupotrijebljeni pred i tokom nestanka zajedniþNHGUåDYH S tim u vezi dat je presjek razvoja ideje samoupravljanja od strane jugoslavenskih ideologa, predstavljene su faze idejnog razvoja kao i poteškoüe sa kojima se koncept kao takav suoþavao, a obraÿena je i nezavisni politiþki kurs bosanskohercegovaþkog politiþkog vrha, odnosno ukupni društvenopolitiþki kontekst u kojem se “nezavisnost” poþHOD XSUDåQMDYDWL .DGD VH konkretno govori o poziciji bosanskohercegovaþke politiþke elite prema reformama primijeüen je i jedan dosta zanimljiv detalj. Naime, iako je ustavnim amandmanima (1968-1971) postignut visok nivo decentralizacije te jasno definirana razdvojena republiþNDWUåLãWD QDQLYRX)HGHUDFLMHWM XRQLPQMHQLP preostalim funkcijama odluþivalo se, ipak, na drugi naþin. Preglasavanjem. Uzimajuüi ovo u obzir i zakljuþak se sam po sebi nametnuo i postavio razvoj ekonomskog sistema samoupravljanje izmeÿu utopistiþNLKWHåQMLLGHRORJDLUHDOpolitiþkih djelovanja partijskih i vojnih jastrebova što je potom pravile znaþajne pukotine unutar sistema i pogodovalo nastanku sivih zona þije üe postojanje djelom generirati i veliku ekonomsku krizu tokom osamdesetih godina.